Inside a Harem – Dar Harem Awurd-Dar Nikah Awurd

Dar Nikah Awurd (brought into the legal wedlock) and Dar Harem Awurd (admitted to the harem) these were used in order to indicate the manner in which particular women were admitted into the Harem, as the number of legally wedded were few; the number of others was often very large.



‘The Reception’ (1873) by John Frederick Lewis


Maintaining a large harem was cumbersome Personal jealousies and intrigues were rampant.

Sultan Mahmud of Gujarat had understood this fact and maintained a peaceful atmosphere in the Harem. According to his rules any lady who laughed at or derided the other, both were killed.

The harem of the Sultans comprised the mother of the Sultan, his wives, sisters and daughters, concubines and slave girls. Some of them were daughters of important nobles or chiefs. The principal wives had each a house, maiden, guards and servants. The ladies of the Harem enjoyed respectable positions and were held in high esteem by the Sultans.

Some royal ladies enjoyed high prestige and were endowed high titles such as Malika-i- Jahan, Makhduma-i Jahan and Khudavanda-i Jahan etc.

Among the prominent ladies of Mamluk, Khilji and Tughlaq Dynasty come the names of Khudavanda-i Jahan = Shah Turkan (wife of Sultan Iltutmish), Malika-i- Jahan, (wife of Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji), Makhduma-i Jahan and Khudavandzada (the mother and sister of Sultan Mohammad Bin Tughluq) respectively.

Interestingly the aspect of harem life of the Delhi Sultans was that, in order to strengthen their position, they established matrimonial relations with the royal family. Some significant examples are:

i) Qutbuddin Aibak’s daughter was married to Iltutmish

ii) A daughter of Iltutmish was married to Balban

iii) Altunia married Raziya

iv) Balban gave one of his daughters in marriage to Nasiruddin Mahmud

v) A daughter of Malik Chajju was married to Kaiqubad

vi) A daughter of Kaiqubad was married to Alauddin Khalji

vii) A daughter of Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji was married to Alauddin Khalji

viii) A daughter of Alauddin Daughter Khalji was married to Ghiyasuddin Tughluq

x) A daughter of Mubarak Khalji was married to Firozshah Tughluq

x) A daughter of Sultan Muhammad of the Syed dynasty was married to Mahmud Sharqi


‘The Harem’ by Gustave Boulanger

Petticoat Government run from the Harem-Some examples: from Mamluk, Khilji and Tughlaq Dynasty.

Shah Turkan


Shah Turkan

Iltutmish’s death in 1236 was a signal for the nobles to initiate factional politics. His vigilance and political adroitness had as yet kept the nobles strictly under his control throughout his life time.

As mentioned by contemporary historians of Sultanate of Delhi, the name of Khudavanda-i Jahan Shah Turkan surfaces.

She was originally a slave girl of Turkish origin, purchased by Iltutmish. She rose to the status of chief queen of Sultan Iltutmish by dint of her beauty and qualities.

An ambitious lady, possessing intelligence and ability, she took over the reins of government in her own hands, after the passing away of her husband, because the new Sultan, her son Sultan Ruknuddin Firoz had become neglectful of his duties, owing to his over indulgence in pleasure.

She patronized men of letters and bestowed munificent generosity towards the men of learning and piety and endowments. She won the support of the nobility, and it was with their active cooperation that she succeeded in setting aside the will of Sultan Iltutmish and claimed the throne for her son Ruknuddin Firoz in place of Raziya Sultan.

Shah Turkan had ambitious and intriguing nature. She rose to prominence because of the incompetent and pleasure loving temperament of her son, Sultan Ruknuddin Firoz. The Sultan preferred a life of merry making with wine and women ignoring his responsibility in the affairs of the state.

This led Shah Turkan to control the administration of the Sultanate. She enjoyed the support of the officers of the house and the Turkish officers of the capital.

All powers were concentrated in her hands, to the extent that she issued royal farmans (royal mandates) in her own name. She meted out her vicious treatment against the other wives, sons and daughters of the deceased husband. Out of sheer jealousy she started harassing the ladies of the royal household. On the pretext of personal grievances, she brought about the assassination of several co wives of Sultan Iltutmish as she enjoyed the status of queen mother. Hence, she avenged being treated as base and inferior by her co wives.

The treasury was unduly spent to cater for the Sultan’s pleasure. This vicious, petticoat rule produced the inevitable reaction and his own supporters now set about to make amends for their hasty action. But Shah Turkan wanted to keep the throne safe and secure for her son Ruknuddin Firoz.

This brought her in conflict with another son of Sultan Iltutmish named Qutbuddin. He was a young prince having many talents and merit. By the order of Shah Turkan and Ruknuddin Firoz, he was blinded and finally put to death.

All these activities of Shah Turkan led to mutual distrust in the government. Rebellions broke out in different parts of the country.

The so called forty (Turkan-i-chahalgani) the prominent figure of the period felt that for preserving the dynasty and good name of their master Ruknuddin Firoz must be deposed.

To make the matters worse the provincial governors such as Malik Ghiyasuddin Mohammad Shah, a son of Iltutmish rose in rebellion in Oudh and plundered the treasure of Lakhnauti, which was being taken to Delhi. He also sacked and plundered several towns and created lawlessness.

Malik Izzuddin Mohammad Salari, the iqtadar of Badaun, also rebelled. The iqtadar of Multan, Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan Ayaz and the Iqtadar of Hansi, Malik Saifuddin Kochi and the iqtadar of Lahore Malik Alauddin Jani, collectively rose against Ruknuddin Firoz.

It was a formidable combination of some of the most influential and powerful maliks of the empire.

Firoz marched from Delhi in order to deal with them, but the imperial officers themselves were either afraid of the power of the rebels or not loyal to the king. Nizamul Mulk Junaidi, the wazir deserted the army at Kilugarhi and fled to Koil, and from there went to join Malik Jani and Kochi.

The rebellion of the maliks and amirs spread like a wild fire. Ruknuddin Firoz led an army towards Kohram. At this time the Turkish amirs and slaves of the household, who formed the core centre of the army of the Sultan, further complicated the situation by intriguing with the many of Tazik (non Turk) officers in the neighbour hoods of Mansurpur and Tarain.

Rebellions and disorders in the empire encouraged Raziya also to take advantage. Her relations with Shah Turkan were far from cordial. Shah Turkan wanted to secure her position therefore she challenged Raziya. The generosity of the Sultan perhaps had kept the people of the capital in check so long, but during his absence from the capital Shah Turkan quarreled with Raziya. A rebellion broke out in the city in favor of Raziya . She deepened the crisis by inciting the masses of Delhi against the oppressive measures of Shah Turkan.

The Sultan was forced to return to the capital, but situation was already out of control, in response to an appeal from Raziya whom shah Turkan had attempted to capture and put to death, the people of Delhi were in favour of Raziya and Shah Turkan’s conspiracy failed miserably.

The Sultan retired to Kilugarhi and the revolt of the people met with success. The amirs and the soldiers, when they came back to the city took their oath of allegiance to Sultan Raziya. Ruknuddin was arrested from Kilugarhi and was imprisoned and put to death in Nov. 1236 A.D. He had ruled for only six months and twenty eight days.

The influential phase of Shah Turkan demonstrates that women in the Delhi Sultanate could be powerful. They were able to change the course of events and winning the nobles to their side.

Unscrupulous acts ultimately made some of the prominent nobles oppose her and plotted to bring end of her reign. She also became influential in political arena because of her son’s incompetence.

If Ruknuddin would have proved to be an able ruler then she with her son could have been successful for a long period of time.

Raziya Sultan


Razia Sultan of the Delhi Sultanate during its early phase, left her mark as a real ruling Sultan. She was the daughter of Sultan Iltutmish (1236- 1240 A.D.) and the first woman Sultan of Delh.

Ibn Battuta says that Raziya wore the garments of the oppressed and appealed to the an-nas (army). But most of the soldiers including the Turkish guards were absent from the capital and the appeal of Raziya must have been to the people of Delhi.

The people of the city hearing about the conspiracy of the queen mother against Raziya rose up in rebellion, attacked the royal palace and seized Shah Turkan.

Freedom of women of the Harem

Daughter of Sultan Iltutmish

The relevant evidence about the daughter who happened to be the real sister of Sultan Muizuddin Bahram Shah (1240- 1242 A.D. ) shows that a Muslim woman did not think it derogatory at all to seek divorce from her husband if there was temperamental incompatibility.

She was first married to the son of Qazi Nasiruddin but the marriage was dissolved afterwards. Again she was married to Aitigin, who had become the Naib-i- Mulk (regent ) after her brother’s accession to the throne in 1240 A. D.

Widow of Sultan Iltutmish

Another widow of Sultan Iltutmish, she also married a senior noble, Qutlugh Khan and with the support of her new husband and his friends at the court she compelled Sultan Alauddin Masud Shah (1242- 1246 A.D. ) to release from prison the sons of Sultan Iltutmish, prince Nasiruddin Mahmud (her own son) and prince Jalaluddin.

On the advice of nobles her son, Nasiruddin Mahmud was entrusted with the charge of the territorial unit of Bahraich, while Jalaluddin was posted as the wali (governor of) of Qanauj.

She is also said to have accompanied her son to Bahraich, because the latter was still a minor, aged less than fourteen years.

Two years later she plotted in league with her husband against Sultan Alauddin Masud and won over the nobles at the court to support her son’s claim to the throne. She confidentially carried on correspondence with the nobles in Delhi, and finally she secretly approached with her son from Bahraich for Delhi.

On her departure for Delhi, she announced that her son was taken to Delhi for medical treatment. Both of them were taken in a palanquin, escorted by sawars (horsemen). In Delhi nobody, except the accomplices in the conspiracy, knew about their arrival till Sultan Alauddin Masud Shah was dethroned and her son was placed on the throne instead.

She further tried to conciliate her son’s position by having the daughter of Balban married to the Sultan. By now Balban had emerged as the leader of powerful Turkish nobility of the court.

Soon after Balban manipulated to undermine her and Qutlugh Khan’s position at the court.

Malika-i- Jahan w/o Jalaluddin Khilji

As wife of Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji, she enjoyed complete influence over her husband. The nobles obeyed her because she wielded great influence at the court and amongst the nobility she commanded a respectable status.

Though a veteran Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji leant ears to his wife, allowing her to prevail in the affairs of the empire.

Barani informs us that when Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji expressed his wish to adopt the title of Al Mujahid fi – Sabilullah (the fighter in the path of Almighty), because he had confronted the Mongols, and so he might be appropriately mentioned in the khutba Al- Mujahis fi Sabilullah. He sought his consort’s (Malika-i- Jahan) advice.

He also requested her to speak on his behalf to the nobles, the Qazis and other religious men to propose the title to him in the court. Since Malika-i- Jahan commanded a lot of respect among the nobles, she found no problem in gaining their consent. It was at her persuasion that the nobles and Qazis proposed the Sultan to accept the title.

But his eyes filled with tears and acknowledged that he had directed Malika-i- Jahan to make the suggestion but he had since reflected that he was not worthy of the title ….as he had fought for his own gratification and vanity.

So later on the Sultan himself declined to accept it.

This event shows that Malika-i- Jahan acted as an advisor to the Sultan. And even enjoyed a respectable position among the nobility also and they welcomed her suggestions.

Alauddin Khilji had strained relations with his mother in law Malika-i- Jahan and with his wife, the daughter of the Sultan-Jalaluddin Khilji. He was apprehensive of the intrigues of Malika-i- Jahan, who had great ascendancy over her husband.

Unable to incur the displeasure of Malika-i- Jahan, he could not even complain to his uncle against his wife’s disobedience and misbehavior towards him. Malika-i- Jahan had caused strain in Alauddin’s relation with his father in law.

This episode to a great extent was responsible in aggravating the domestic unhappiness of Alauddin. He was averse to bringing the disobedience of his wife before the sultan because he could not brook the disgrace which would arise from his derogatory position being made public.

It greatly distressed him and he often consulted his intimates at Kara about going out into the world to making a position for himself by conquering a far off territory, and rule over it independent of his uncle so that he could remain away both from his wife and his mother in law.

We learn from Tarikh-i- Firozshahi that she was aware of his ambitious and intriguing nature and kept a close watch over him. She warned her husband about Alauddin’s alleged intention to carve out an independent principality for himself 30 in some remote corners of the country. Perhaps it was she who created a feeling of suspicion in the mind of the Sultan.

The strained relation between Sultan Alauddin Khalji and his wife were further complicated by the uncharitable attitude of his mother in law Malika-i- Jahan.

Afraid of public disgrace and reluctant to hurt Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji.34 Alauddin Khalji did not openly protest against undesirable activities of his wife and mother in law.

But in heart of hearts, he felt very dejected. This was the main cause of his remaining away from his wife and mother in law.

Malika – i– Jahan w/o Allauddin Khilji

Daughter of Malika – Jahan w/o Jalauddin Khilji, was married to the Sultan’s nephew, Alauddin, the daughter became so overbearing that her husband had become disgusted with her.

The extent of her influence on her husband can be illustrated by the following episode narrated by Barani.

Malika-i- Jahan, wife of Alauddin Khalji, being the daughter of the king always tried to domineer over her husband. The sudden rise of her father had made her exceedingly vain. Alauddin refused to become hen pecked. Being disgusted with the behavior of his wife, he began to neglect her and she made this ground for saying many unpleasant things. This made matter worse. Jalaluddin’s wife tried to mind matters by brow- beating Alauddin which led to greater estrangement. Alauddin was wary of these ladies, life lost all charm for him, and he tended to grow indolent, insipid and dispirited. Her impudence greatly distressed Alauddin, but he was averse to bringing the disobedience of his wife to the notice of the Sultan.

Haji-ud-Dabir in Zafar-ul-walih elucidates the cause of misunderstanding between Alauddin and his consort. He says that the prince had two wives – one the daughter of the Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji, and the other Mahru, the sister of Malik Sanjar, later known as Alp Khan.

Jalaluddin’s daughter had no knowledge about the other marriage, but when she came to know about it, she began to fret out their private life. One day when the Sultan was sitting with Mahru in a garden when she suddenly appeared and enraged at the sight began to beat Mahru with her shoe. Alauddin could hardly bear this insult and became infuriated and attacked her with his sword. She however escaped luckily only with a few minor injuries.

The position of Alauddin’s harem is not known but he had several wives- Jalaluddin’s daughter, a sister of Alp Khan, Badshah Begum, a daughter of Kaiqubad, known as Malka Mahik and mother of Mubarak, Kamla Devi the daughter of Ram Dev, became the chief queen of Alauddin Khalji.However K.S. Lal has rightly remarked that the Sultan does not seem to have been under feminine influence as such.

Makhduma-i- Jahan, widow of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughluq and the mother of Sultan Mohammad Tughluq ( 1225-1351 A.D. ).

As wife of Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq

The Tughluqs also had great regard for the ladies. The harem life of the Tughluq Sultans was characterized by sobriety, dignity and restraint. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq’s personal life was extremely chaste and pure. His harem was perhaps very restricted and small.

While we possess very little information about the harem life of Ghiyasuddin Tughluq, all that can be inferred is that he had several wives and that his first wife was the mother of Juna Khan (Mohammad Tughluq ) , his eldest son.

She influenced him many years and was seen in her old age by Ibn Battuta as the mother of the ruling Sultan Mohammad Tughluq. She was the queen dowager, enjoyed the title of Makhduma-i- Jahan (mistress of the world). Her advance age combined with the fact that she had borne Mohammad Tughluq, his eldest son, already a grown up man under Sultan Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah, able to command armies and cut a prominent figure in war, encouraged the conclusions that she was the first wife of Ghiyasuddin Tughluq.

In all probability he married her on his arrival in India soon after the death of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Balban, as is evident from the memoir of their son, Sultan Mohammad Tughluq. Barani and Ibn Battuta are unanimous in praising the exalted lady and the Sultan’s devotion to her. She was one of those virtuous, benevolent and charitable ladies who left their mark as great philanthropists. She received envoys, guests at court and gave magnificent reception to them in the capital

As Mother of Mohammed Bin Tughlaq

Our knowledge about Mohammad Tughluq’s harem life is almost nil. However he looked after his mother, sisters and others with great personal concern. Tughluq dynasty witnessed the political influence of Makhduma-i- Jahan, widow of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughluq and the mother of Sultan Mohammad Tughluq (1225-1351 A.D. ). He was always respectful towards the queen mother and even he allowed her to exercise influence in matters of state throughout her life. It appears that she enjoyed precedence over the queens of the Sultan.

Ibn Battuta, the Moorish traveler was one of them, who saw her in her advance age. When he reached Delhi, She was present there with her wazir Khwaja-i- Jahan. She received gifts and presents from the guests and also distributed gifts to others with an open heart. She maintained a large number of hospices for the comfort of the travelers and endowed them to supply free food to all travelers. The foreigners who came to India to seek fortune were first extended hospitality on her behalf as guests. They were entertained with delicious food and then invested with silk robes of honour embroidered in gold. After it they were given fabrics of silk, linen and cotton. A separate department was organized which kept an account of her gifts and grants.

Mohammed Bin Tughlaq allowed her to exercise influence in matters of state throughout her life. It appears that she enjoyed precedence over the queens of the Sultan.

Being a woman of charitable disposition, she maintained a number of hospices which were run by state exchequer. Her acts of charity were a boon for several families which survived merely because of her help.

During the time of transfer of the capital first of all the Sultan shifted his mother Makhduma-i- Jahan with the entire household of the amirs, maliks and courtiers and slaves along with treasure and the royal hidden wealth shifted to Deogiri. Afterwards the Sultan summoned all the Sayyids, Sheikh (mystics), ulama and grandees of Delhi.

The Sultan sought her able advice not only in the management of the royal household but also on various political issues. It was through her timely intervention that the marriage of Bibi Raasti, the daughter of sultan Mohammad Tughluq, was solemnized with Sheikh Fathullah bin Sheikh Auhaduddin Nagoari, the grandson of Baba Farid in 1327 A.D. at Daulatabad.

Mohammad Tughluq had great devotion and love for his mother, Makhduma-i- Jahan. On one occasion she went on a tour with the Sultan but he returned few days before. When she came back, the Sultan received her with great ceremony. He alighted from his horse and kissed her feet when she was in her palanquin.

Unfortunately she had lost her eye sight at the time of Mohammad Tughluq’s coronation. Though based on hearsay, the following account of Makhduma-i- Jahan, as given by Ibn Battuta gives an idea of the éclat and splendour with which the occasion was celebrated: But she had lost her eye sight, which came about in this way; when her son ascended the throne, all the ladies and the daughters of maliks and amirs, dressed in their best clothes, came to pay their respect. She was seated in on a golden throne studded with jewels. All of them bowed to her. Then suddenly she lost her eye sight. She was treated by various means but could not get her eye sight back.

In 1341 A.D., when the governor of Multan declared his independence, Mohammad Tughluq set off from Delhi to deal with him. On the way he heard about the death of his revered mother Makhduma-i- Jahan at Delhi. The Sultan was over 56.

Over powered with grief, but having made arrangements of the distribution of alms for the benefit of the departed soul of his mother, he started for Multan.

The tomb of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughluq which lies near the Tughluqabad fortress was built by Mohammad Tughluq over the grave of his father. Subsequently two other graves namely the grave of Makhduma-i- Jahan and that of Sultan Mohammad Tughluq himself were built in the premise.

Sultan Mohammad Tughluq’s death on 20th March 1351 A.D., plunged Delhi Sultanate into great confusion and chaos.

Khudavandzada – Eldest Sister of Mohammed Bin Tughlaq

Following Mohammed Bin Tughlaqs death the confusion and chaos was further aggravated when the deceased Sultan’s eldest sister Khudavandzada intervened in the matters of succession. Unlike his wife, we find no mention in any contemporary or near contemporary records, his sisters are often mentioned.

The most prominent being Khudavandzada, she had a son named Dawar Malik. Other sisters have been mentioned in the Rehla which bears testimony to the kindness, he uniformly showed to them.

Before Thatta campaign, the Sultan had summoned Khudavandzada and Makhduma-i- Jahan from Delhi, together with many Sheikhs, the ulama, the elders, maliks, horsemen and foot soldiers to join him in the camp.

Soon after the death of Sultan at Thatta, Khudavandzada, being in the royal lineage, she put forward the claims of her son, Dawar Malik to the throne against Firozshah Tughluq as she was present in the imperial camp at Thatta.

She lodged a protest and asserted the superiority of the claims of her son. But Firozshah had been in the good books of Mohammad Tughluq and possessed first hand administrative experience. She appealed to Firozshah that he should help in restoring order in the realm by accepting the office of the regent. The nobles and the captains of the army attached no importance to his (Dawar Malik) Dynastic claims and only stated that he was unfit for the kingly office because he was a minor and possessed no administrative experience.

She desired to achieve her ends by being harsh to the nobles. This hostile attitude of Khudavandzada infuriated the nobility who opposed her claims.

The nobles made it clear to her that at such critical hour there was a need of competent person on the throne who could save the Sultanate from disruption. For this purpose Dawar Malik was too immature in comparison to Firozshah Tughluq. But Khudavandzada was firm in her stand and pressed the claims of her son for succession. She cared for her interest more and was least concerned about the welfare of the Sultanate. In order to avoid a civil war, Malik Saifuddin an influential noble of the court made efforts to pacify Khudavandzada’s stubborn attitude and he succeeded in his attempts and she withdrew her agitation.

Thus she could not procure the throne for her son. The nobles assigned him the office of Naib Barbak. Khudavandzada yielded to the wishes of the nobles, in favor of Firozshah Tughluq, yet in heart of hearts she longed to place her son on the throne.

Here we again find that women in any relation were respected and were given due weightage to their words. She was respectfully told that her son was a minor and unfits to manage the state affairs. And even the Sultan did not want to hurt her feeling.

The authority of Firozshah was recognized even at the capital. The boy king was unceremoniously set aside to make room for him and was later killed or died a natural death.

Wolseley Haig calls Firozshah a usurper who overrode the claims of the legitimate heir of the late Sultan. He regards the boy king as truly a son of Mohammad Tughluq. But Ishwari Prasad points out a number of difficulties in doing so. He says that if the Sultan had a son, contemporary historians must have referred to his birth, Khudavandzada could not have pleaded in favour of her own son. Firozshah Tughluq would not have inquired whether the Sultan had a son. The nobles could not have asserted that there was none and Firozshah would have never set his claims aside.

But he does not explain why Khwaja Jahan should have placed an obscure child on the throne and if his motive was to grab power for himself why should he has offered the regency to Firozshah. Hence a suspicion is created that the Sultan did leave behind a son. Ferishta and Badaoni support this view. R.P. Tripathi also regards the boy as a legitimate son of the late Sultan. If this be a fact, Firozshah was surely usurper in the light of current tradition but in point of law his election was not only valid but also in public interest. In this latter sense, the charge of usurpation falls to the ground.

Firozshah left no stones unturned in maintaining cordial relationship with his cousin Khudavandzada. He considered it proper to be coronated by her hand and she is said to have completed the ceremony of his coronation. Perhaps through this act he tried to express feeling of gratitude towards her for his succession.

So on his visit to Khudavandzada, he fell upon his knees, and pleaded her to fulfill his desire. She embraced him and placed the crown on Firozshah’s head on 24 Muharram 752 A.H./ 20th March1351 A.D. In spite of this she cherished malice.

Since then the Sultan made it a custom to pay visit to Khudavandzada after every Friday prayer.98 Thus the Sultan continuously expressed his gratitude and paid his respect to Khudavandzada. During these visits Sultan Firozshah and Khudavandzada sat on the same carpet and discussed the issue of importance.

It was after taking betel leave from her the Sultan came back to the palace. During these meetings Khudavandzada’s husband, Khusrau Malik stood beside them and her son Dawar Malik sat behind his mother. It shows that she enjoyed great respect and privilege and also appears that she asserted herself in presence of her son and husband.

As it is clear that Khudavandzada had never abandoned the idea of placing her son upon the throne. She was just looking for the right moment. Before Firozshah started on his first Bengal campaign, she along with her husband organized a conspiracy against the Sultan to assassinate him at the time when he visited her. For this purpose the armed guards were asked to stay in the nearby chamber and at Khudavandzada’s signal they were to attack the Sultan. Firozshah was completely unaware of this whole plot. As usual he went to visit Khudavandzada, but the timely gesture of Dawar Malik upset the plan and Firozshah escaped unhurt. The armed guards were arrested and they confessed their guilt.

Even though her attempt to kill Firozshah ended in failure, the Sultan continued to treat Khudavandzada with consideration and granted her a fixed allowance. Her enormous properties, owing to which she had hoped to put her son on the throne, were confiscated and she was directed to lead a secluded life.

Her scheming husband, Khusrau Malik was deported while Dawar Malik was ordered to visit the Sultan every month attired in a robe and slippers. His property and wealth was confiscated to the state treasury and he got only a fixed allowance.

The ambitious and conspiring Khudavandzada though met an unhappy end but in a way she was always given due regard by the Sultan Firozshah Tughluq.

Perhaps if she had not schemed against the Sultan, she would have a smooth and luxurious life. But her unwise act undid her better prospects.


Harem Dancers-Portrait by Η Marthe Soucaret


Tabaqat-i- Nasiri of Minhaj-us Siraj

Tarikh-i- Firozshahi of Ziauddin Barani

Rehla of Ibn Battuta

Tarikh-i- Ferishta of Abdul Qasim Ferishta

Tarikh-i- Firozshahi of Shams Siraj Afif

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